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Political economy is the quest for more power, either through politics or trough economics and ultimately through both

The russian future with Dmitri Medvedev: a look at the inner mechanisims

Posted by Waldo Vanderhaeghen on March 4, 2008

medvedev.jpgThe Times published yesterday 2 very interesting articles that give a good insight into the consequences of the Russian elections that have put Dmitri Medvedev in the presidential seat formerly occupied by Vladimir Poetin. The first article “from bankruptcy to big bucks” considers the political economy of Russia. The second analysis of Michael Binyon “Back-seat driver should resist trying to grab the wheel” gives an interesting insight into the psychology of Russia’s new president

From bankruptcy to big bucks

Two three-letter words sum up Russia’s economic good fortune under Vladimir Putin: oil and gas.

Russia was bankrupt just a decade ago, its economy in meltdown after the Government defaulted on its foreign debt and the stock market lost two thirds of its value in a single day.

Oil was just $11 a barrel in 1998, half the level of the year before, but the price rebounded sharply to $35 just as Mr Putin came to power in 2000. Foreign currency reserves tripled and Russia — the world’s largest oil producer and second only to Saudi Arabia as an exporter — has been awash with money ever since as the price of crude has risen to above $100 today.

It has wiped out its international debt and built up foreign currency reserves of $480 billion, the third largest in the world after China and Japan. It has also built up a vast stabilisation fund — worth $144 billion and growing — to support future investment and insulate the state budget against falls in the oil price.

Dmitri Medvedev inherits a country transformed by oil, though he cannot hope to enjoy Mr Putin’s luck in seeing revenues triple. One immediate challenge is to tame inflation at almost 12 per cent as the petro-fuelled economy threatens to overheat.

But the former chairman of Gazprom knows that Russia’s status as an energy superpower can only grow. Russia is the world’s largest gas exporter and has the world’s largest proven reserves. It supplies a third of the EU’s gas imports, a dependence that has triggered alarm bells in Brussels, and is extending its reach with new gas pipelines and deals to sell direct to consumers.

Critics say that the Kremlin is already using its energy influence to reassert political influence over its former Soviet neighbours, raising prices and manipulating supply. Russia replies that it is simply switching to market prices for everybody.

Some experts warn that Russia has become dangerously dependent on energy and that a dip in prices would hit the economy hard. Mr Medvedev has made diversification of the economy a central part of his programme, promising to encourage the growth of small businesses by slashing red tape and fighting bureaucratic corruption.

Analysis: Back-seat driver must resist taking the wheel

President Putin insisted last September that he did not want his successor to be a puppet. Russia would need a strong President for the foreseeable future, he said, since party democracy was still in its infancy. But did he mean it? And now that he is no longer President, will he allow his hand-picked successor any room for manoeuvre?

Mr Putin’s ambivalence was already clear then, a month before he announced that he was “willing” to serve as a future Prime Minister. He also declared that he intended to continue playing a key role in Russia’s government, and that whoever followed him “will have to reckon with me”. So how does he propose to steer policy-making as a back-seat driver? Already there are forecasts that the Kremlin Zil, zigzagging in different directions, will crash, and that it will be President Medvedev who gets hurt.

Dmitri Medvedev has no political constituency of his own. A middle-class lawyer, the son of academics, he owes everything to Mr Putin, the mentor who is very different in temperament, background and ideology. He is a competent administrator — he transformed the lumbering state-owned Gazprom into one of the world’s most influential energy companies. But, unlike Mr Putin, he has no loyal following of acolytes, former KGB colleagues or ambitious politicians. He will be accepted by the Kremlin siloviki (power-brokers) solely because he is Mr Putin’s man.

Both men understand this. But both know that a clone would be unacceptable at home and overseas. Mr Putin has ridden the wave of nationalist, nostalgic and aggrieved sentiment, basing much of his popularity on harnessing Russia’s longing to be strong, disciplined and feared again abroad.

The mild-mannered Mr Medvedev can never don the same clothes. But he can show a different face: the liberal (a relative term in Russia) who speaks for the middle class, the conciliator in tune with a young generation of businessmen more open to the outside world.

This would go down well with the intelligentsia, the only class not swept away by Putinmania. It would also smooth Moscow’s dealings with the outside world after a tricky year. All that would be useful to Mr Putin who, as Prime Minister, will remain in charge of domestic policy, where his authoritarianism finds greatest resonance.

The two can therefore work in tandem — the good cop and the bad cop. The bad cop will clearly set the pace — but he will do so as he always has: incrementally and often in the shadows. And if Mr Medvedev has any mind to challenge this arrangement, there are plenty of Putin loyalists to remind him who is still the boss.

Nevertheless, a clash could occur, largely because the presidency carries duties that cannot be ignored even by a dominant Prime Minister. Mr Putin must at times defer to the head of state, especially in dealings with foreign countries.

Neither Mr Putin nor the Russian public would welcome a President they do not respect. Mr Medvedev must assert himself at least to the point where he is considered a political figure in his own right. The question is whether, if he starts turning down an unfamiliar route, the back-seat driver will seize the wheel and even eject the driver.

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Independent Kosovo faces an uncertain economic future.

Posted by Waldo Vanderhaeghen on February 21, 2008

images.jpg“From today onwards, Kosovo is proud, independent and free,” Prime Minister Hashim Thaci announced in an address to parliament this sunday. Hearing those words, tens of thousands of ethnic Albanians came on the street to celebrate. However justifiable their celebration, the party may end with a serious hangover and a bad case of headache.

Kosovo rates as one of the poorest regions in Europe. The Kosovo government reports an unemployment rate of 42.0-43.7 percent with 90 percent of them in long-term unemployment. According to the World Bank, the average annual salary for the population is 1,243 euro, resulting in 37 percent of the population living in poverty and surviving on less than 1.42 euro/day. On top of that is the fact that Kosovo is wracked by corruption and organized crime. 15-20 percent of the Kosovo economy is run by the organized crime by estimates of UNMIK, that same UN mission is mentioned in numerous corruption charges, thereby closely resembling several of Kosovo’s leading politicians they work with. As such, it comes as no surprise that Kosovo ranks in the top quintal of the world’s most corrupt countries, next to Nigeria and Cameroon with 67 percent of the population reporting having to pay a bribe to get a service (transparency international global corruption barometer 2007).

Kosovo’s economic situation

“The secessionists ignore the economic realities” Ruth Wedgwood, a professor for international law and diplomacy at John Hopkins University in Baltimore, wrote in a commentary in The Wall Street Journal on Feb. 9. She is one of those researchers who think Kosovo has little to nothing to gain from independence. “Kosovo has coal, lead and a workforce, but it lies in a corner of Europe where only a few tourists ever go.” But not everybody agrees with this statement. The World Bank and UNMIK foresees a brighter future for the people of Kosovo.

Franz Kaps is an independent advisor to the World Bank and strongly believes in the potentials of Kosovo. Geologists recently conducted a survey and came up with some good news. Kosovo may be richer then many think with vast amounts of high-quality lignite coal (up to 15 billion tons), considerate amounts of nickel, lead, zinc, bauxite and even some traces of gold. The World Bank predicts Southern Europe will need up to 4,5 gigawats of additional electrity by 2012, creating vast potential for Kosovo’s economy. But by pointing out the potential of Kosovo, Kaps also points to the problem. The problem is the state of Kosovo’s mining industry which has to improve radically and that can only happen after the political, juridical and economic relations are made stable.

those political, juridical and economic relations concerning Kosovo were and still are for a big part the responsibility of The United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK). looking at the macroeconomic results of 2007 they are rightfully proud of what they have done. Notwithstanding a significant reduction in foreign assistance and public expenditures, Kosovo’s GDP is estimated to have grown by about 3 percent. Clearly, this time growth was not driven by increased public expenditure or donor spending, but by a better performance of the private sector. Several economic indicators also signalled improved economic performance. After a fall in 2005, Kosovo’s exports grew remarkably in 2006 by 54 percent, with a modest growth of imports by 5 percent. Furthermore, the rate of non-housing private investment grew impressively by 61 percent and lending to the private sector also increased. These remarkable results were achieved by privatisation of publicly owned enterprises, the implementation of the euro and membership of the Central Europe Free Trade Area (CEFTA). However, if Kosovo wants to maintain it’s economic development and build upon the economic foundations which have so far been put in place by UNMIK, big reforms are still needed. Kosovo’s economic development is still most severely constrained by interruptions in the electricity supply, weak capacity of public institutions, and the lack of adequate skills in the labour market. But Kosovo’s main obstruction to a brighter future is the omnipresent organized crime, corruption and lack of transparency.

About wedding dresses, corruption and the international community

The Minnesota daily reports of a ordinary story that perfectly reflects the problems Kosovo has to deal with. It’s noon on a weekday, and Kosovar fashion designer Krenare Rugova’s sewing machines are strangely silent. Rugova, young and U.S.-educated, is trying to build an upscale clothing business in her homeland. But she can’t work because the power has gone out for the second time this morning. “They just shut me down. I’m thinking, ‘OK, I’ll get all these wedding dresses finished in an hour,’ and then ‘zap.’ It’s very frustrating.”

Every citizen in Kosovo has an emergency generator by hand. While approximately one billion euros is put in repairing KEK, Kosovo’s old and worn out main power central, power failings occur every day. The question is how this is possible and where the KEK-billion has gone to. The answer to this is corruption. 4.5 million euros were stolen from power import during 2000-01, buying equipment from public tenders, purchasing computers from friends’ companies,… The number of allegations is immense, the charges numerous, the convictions rare. The problem of corruption is not unique to KEK, the whole society is drenched in corruption. A survey performed by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) showed that 80 percent of Kosovo’s people consider corruption the main problem of everyday life. The institutions named as most corrupt were the Kosovo Energy Corporation (KEK), customs service, hospitals, the presidency and the government.

Bajram Kosumi, former prime minister stating that friends payed for his private jet flight; Ali Sadriu, minister of economy and finance in the previous government, allocating 430,000 euros to his nephew for implementing a dentistry project in the town of Ferizaj; former president Rugova purchasing six government vehicles for 1,5 million euros (which is more than twice the true value) with a car dealership owned by a relative,… Bribery, extortion, cronyism, nepotism, patronage, graft, and embezzlement, it is all too common in Kosovo. And not only within the Kosovo government, also the International organizations are swimming along the tide of corruption according to the respondents of the UN survey. The facts are there to support this claim. Leme Xhema, Bedri Rama and Uno Nielsen are known for corruption and signing dubious contracts. Former deputy head of UNMIK, Gerhard Fischer, and another high official, Ranier Lesar were also under investigation. Joe Trutschler, a former UN official was sentenced in Germany to 3,5 year in prison for embezzling 3,9 million euros from the Kosovo Energy Corporation budget (Kosovo B).

Not only the KEK, a.k.a. ‘Kosovo B’ but also Kosovo C power plant is getting known for corrupt practices. The case of the former Principal Deputy Special Representative Steven Schook is one example or indication of this. He was one of the main promoters of ‘Kosovo C’: a new coal power plant, a huge project with a huge budget. Kosovo’s heavily subsidized solution to the power shortages (Kosovo C) may fall once again to corruption. The question is how Kosovo will climb out of the economic valley with such widespread corruption that damages the economic tissue of Kosovo. Only effective, strong and exemplary political leadership can rectify this situation. Let that now just be the problem…

The man that Sunday proclaimed Kosovo’s independence and sits as prime minister of Kosovo, mr. Hashim Thaçi is a convicted war criminal and former head of the Kosovo Liberation Army. He was also head of the Drenica group, a mafia group who controlled 10-15 percent of criminal activities in Kosovo by trafficking heroin, cocaine, arms and stolen cars as well as engaging in prostitution and upholding international contacts. His sister may very well be the perfect example for that, as she is married to Sejdija Bajrush, one of the leaders of the infamous Albanian mafia.

The Kosovo cocktail

The question posed at the beginning of this article was whether or not the party will end with a bad hangover. But as we all know, we have to forecast the morning after the party by looking at what we drunk, so let’s look at the ingredients for Kosovo’s cocktail.

Kosovo’s economic situation at this moment is not very positive with a high percentage of unemployed, a low productivity and a lot of energy shortages. Kosovo’s economy has however big potential in the mining industry, it has the advantage of low wages and last but not least the UNMIK has pushed through some important and fruitful reforms. However, as stated before, the Kosovo government still has loads of work and reforms to plan and accomplish. The biggest challenges are the electricity interruptions, the weak capacity of public institutions and the lack of adequate skills in the labour market.

Those are in principle challenges that are controllable and manageable. But an effective policy towards Kosovo’s problems is blocked. The reason for that is organized crime and the high levels of corruption penetrating the whole society from the bottom to the top, from the poorest to the richest and most powerful, from the peasant to the prime minister. This creates a very hard and difficult situation. Independent Kosovo faces an very uncertain economic future.

Kosovo’s cocktail may prove to become an economic Molotov cocktail.

——————————————————————————

Links:

Kosovo’s economic situation:
- www.euinkosovo.org/upload/EPO%20Kosovo%20Outlook%202007.doc
- http://www.dw-world.de/dw/article/0,2144,3122353,00.html
- http://www.mndaily.com/articles/2008/02/19/72165644
About wedding dresses, corruption and the international community:
- http://www.unmikonline.org/press/2002/mon/may/lmm290502.htm
- http://www.ceeol.com/aspx/getdocument.aspx?logid=5&id=B913E37C-703E-4EC1-BBD3-7677924EBC66
- http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/Article.aspx?id=1559
- http://www.axisglobe.com/article.asp?article=561
- http://www.nrcnext.nl/nieuws/internationaal/article937096.ece

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Corporate tax race to the bottom: is harmonization on EU level the answer?

Posted by Waldo Vanderhaeghen on February 14, 2008

1. The reality of corporate tax competition

Both industrialised and developing countries will face a major public funding crisis if governments don’t stop the race to lower business taxes, a report from the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions states. Tax competition is a real problem and a race to the bottom is taking place. This is especially the case within the European Union as goods, labour, services and capital enjoy free movement within EU borders. The problem of lowering corporate tax is the effect it has on the redistributive nature of taxes. For as revenues from corporate tax diminish, taxes on labour will augment, widening the gap between capital and labour while this is not the preferred social optimum in the European welfare states. On the other hand it has to be said that tax competition within certain limits can be beneficial to boost countries with a lack of comparative advantage and to allow a ‘race to efficiency’ to countries where taxes are collected in an inefficient manner. This however does imply tax competition within certain limits which is not the case looking at corporate tax competition history.

The report from the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions gives further data on the corporate tax competition. Corporate tax rates have fallen from around 45% to 30% in the last 20 years in industrialised countries. The average rate between 1995 and 2005 fell by 8,1-10,8 in the EU. The recent EU-enlargement has intensified this mechanism as CEEC’s rely less on company taxation to finance their budgets to lure FDI. Austria for example lowered its rates from 35% to 25% in 2005, Finland and Greece has cut theirs by 3% and Germany has recently made a major corporate tax overhaul by cutting its rates from 38,7% to about 29% beginning on January the first 2008 transforming its corporate tax from Europe’s top levy to a levy that is broadly in line with the other rich countries of Western Europe.

2. The role of the EU

Since the beginning of the EC, company taxation was seen as an important element for the establishment and completion of the Internal market. It is however not a direct objective of the EU. The legal basis for corporate tax harmonization is formed by art. 100, which deals with the harmonization of laws in general. This general harmonization is obligatory only in so far as the establishment or functioning of the internal market is at stake. Additionally article 94 of the EC Treaty provides for approximation of such laws, regulations or administrative provisions of the Member States as directly affect the establishment or functioning of the common market. Thus harmonization of laws per se is not a stated objective of the treaties and clearly serves to safeguard the process of integration, i.e., the harmonization of corporate taxation serves to safeguard the four freedoms and to eliminate distortions of competition in the internal market as comparative advantages are distorted by tax differences. The findings of the Ruding committee for example prove that differences in corporate tax regimes produce significant distortions of investment and location decisions. In practice however harmonization has been minimal as it is limited by the limited qualification of the community and reluctance of member states to cooperate in a substantial harmonization as taxes are touching upon the heart of a member’s state sovereignty. As a consequence, member states are reasonably free to set their own levy, tax rates and tax base. There have however been important initiatives and directives coming out of the EU legislative body.

The three major advancements concerning corporate taxation originate in the sixties and have finally been approved in July 1990. The parent/subsidiary directive (90/434/EEC) eliminates double taxation of dividend payments paid by subsidiaries located in one member state to parent companies in another. The merger directive (90/435/EEC) ensures that capital gains are no longer taxed at the time of a merger but rather at the moment when the capital gains are collected, as such contributing to the formation of European firms. The arbitration convention on transfer pricing (90/436/EEC) aims for the elimination of double taxation that occurs through adjustment of profits by tax authorities through a code of conduct and common procedures.

The above directives, however, don’t deal with the problem posed here of a race to the bottom on corporate taxes. Four fields of interest are important here: the system of corporate taxation, the tax rate, tax base and tax incentives. First of all there is the system by which the corporate tax is collected. Up to 27 different tax systems are being used throughout the EU, here simplified into three major categories. The classical system is used by the Netherlands and Luxembourg which is characterized by a complete separation of corporate and personal income tax, that means that taxable income earned by a corporation and then distributed to an individual shareholder as dividend is thus taxed twice. The full amputation system is used by Germany and only taxes shareholders under the personal income tax, eliminating the corporation tax. The other countries use a partial imputation system that partially avoids double taxation by imputing part of the corporate profit tax to the shareholder’s tax liability. Proposals like those from the Neumark committee in 1963 (split rate system), Van den Tempel report in 1971 (classical system) and finally the 1975 commission proposal to adopt EU-wide partial amputation system every time stumbled over the reluctance of the member states. The 1975 proposal also included harmonization of tax rates that would be in the range of 45%-55%. This last proposal didn’t, as mentioned, make it. The proposal even met with opposition from the European parliament which claimed that it made no sense to harmonize tax rates and leave the tax base untouched.

Harmonizing tax rates without touching upon the important differences in tax bases and tax incentives makes indeed little sense. The tax base relates to the rules that govern the determination of taxable profits. Tax incentives are frequently given through the tax base. Harmonization of the tax base would basically make it inappropriate for member states to grant tax incentives through the tax base and force member states to do so using tax credits or direct subsidies. This has also been the position of the European commission since 2001 onwards. The policy towards a common tax base was established in 2001 with COM(2001) 582. In July 2004 after discussion in an informal ECOFIN meeting on an informal paper, a working group was set up with broad support to form a proposal: the Common Consolidated Corporate Tax Base Working Group (CCCTB WG). The CCCTB WG has been meeting since November 2004 till 10 to 12 December 2007. A working paper has been prepared: CCCTB/WP/057. Revolutionary as it is, the proposal will probably take some time to come to an agreement. It is even be doubtful if the proposal will get through as similar proposals have been rejected in the past (cfr. Ruding Committee, Neumark Committee,…) It would however be a major step towards a possible solution for the corporate tax race to the bottom. As transparency on corporate taxation grows, debate on the subject becomes easier and states can become more cooperative on the subject. The open method of cooperation could be an important tool in this context.

3. Conclusion

The question raised here is to what extent a race to the bottom is actually taking place and what the place could be for the European Union. It has been the conclusion of this paper that there indeed is a race to the bottom concerning corporate tax. This growing competition between member states touches upon the heart of market, state and society. It distorts competition within the EU as it changes the comparative advantages of member states towards capital investments as proved in the conclusions of the Ruding Committee. Corporate tax competition may prove to be a short-term remedy against a lack of comparative advantage in for example Estonia (with no tax on profit reinvested in the country) but in the long run it may prove devastating as the state looses a big share of its revenues. The state and society also suffer from the results of the corporate tax race to the bottom. As state capital revenues decline, taxes on labour will have to rise to maintain the same government spending. This causes a widening gap between capital and labour, deteriorating the gini coefficient and redistributive effect of taxes which is not the social optimum of European societies with their high level of preference for the welfare state. The harmonization of certain aspects of corporate taxation are in this respect very welcome. Especially the latest moves of the commission towards harmonization of the tax base are a great leap forward to combating harmful tax competition.

The conclusion of this paper is that states should look further then their short-term view on sovereignty and take example from the early steps towards integration of the EC. Integration has often shown not to limit sovereignty but to enlarge it due to interdependency as stated by Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye. This argument is obviously the case with corporate tax competition. A shift to sovereignty through integration should be welcomed and we may only hope that the recent suggestions of the CCCPTB WB will be seen using this logic.


International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, Having their cake and eating it too – the big corporate tax break, 2006. (20.01.2008, International confederation of free trade unions, http://www.icftu.org/www/pdf/taxbreak/tax_break_EN.pdf).

EURACTIV, Corporate tax’ race to the bottom’ hurts EU growth, 09.11.2006. (20.01.2008, Euractiv, http://www.euractiv.com/en/taxation/corporate-tax-race-bottom-hurts-eu-growth/article-156658).

DOUGHERTY, C., Germany to lower corporate tax rate, London, International Herald Tribune, 02.11.2006. (20.01.2008, International Herald Tribune, http://www.iht.com/articles/2006/11/02/business/tax.php)

VAN MOURIK, A., The economics of tax harmonization, Leuven, K.U. Leuven, s.d., 16-24.

EUROPEAN COMMISION, Company tax, 20.01.2008. (20.01.2008, European Commission, http://ec.europa.eu/taxation_customs/taxation/company_tax/gen_overview/index_en.htm).

VAN MOURIK, A., The economics of tax harmonization, Leuven, K.U. Leuven, s.d., 16-24.

EUROPEAN COMMISION, Company tax, 20.01.2008. (20.01.2008, European Commission, http://ec.europa.eu/taxation_customs/taxation/company_tax/gen_overview/index_en.htm).

VAN MOURIK, A., The economics of tax harmonization, Leuven, K.U. Leuven, s.d., 16-24.

EUROPEAN COMMISION, Common tax base, 20.01.2008. (20.01.2008, European Commission, http://ec.europa.eu/taxation_customs/taxation/company_tax/common_tax_base/index_en.htm).

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Globalisering en mijnbouw: de andere kant van de medaille

Posted by Waldo Vanderhaeghen on February 13, 2008

Als resultaat van de oorlogen en spanningen in het Midden-Oosten stijgen de energieprijzen tot ongekende hoogten. Sommigen beweren dat voor het bezit van energiebronnen recentelijk zelfs een oorlog is ontketend. Ontwikkeling en welvaart worden echter niet enkel gevrijwaard door middel van het bezit van energiebronnen, ook andere materialen spelen hier een essentiële rol in. Vandaag de dag is het gevecht voor natuurlijke grondstoffen even belangrijk als het gevecht om energiebronnen. We willen hier focussen op mijnbouw en de toegang tot mineralen en in een tweede deel focussen we op twee specifieke voorbeelden, de Democratische republiek van de Congo en Peru.

 

Mijnbouw in de wereld

Goud in je computer, zilver om je pols, coltan in je GSM, koper in je huis, deze natuurlijke grondstoffen zijn een essentieel deel van ons leven. Metalen en mineralen worden in grote hoeveelheden uit de grond gehaald daar zij deel zijn van onze ontwikkeling en welvaart. Volgens de United States Geology service worden er 2000 keer meer mineralen geëxploiteerd in vergelijking met 1970, de wereldbevolking is verviervoudigd in één eeuw en de wereldeconomie blijft boomen. China bijvoorbeeld is verantwoordelijk voor één derde van de wereldvraag. Tussen 1999 en 2006 is de gemiddelde prijs voor mineralen verdrievoudigd, in het geval van goud en koper bijvoorbeeld zelfs met een factor van respectievelijk 7 en 5. De 40 grootste mijnbedrijven rapporteerden een verhoging van de winst van 5 biljoen dollar in 2002 tot 45 biljoen dollar in 2005. Het moge duidelijk zijn dat het belang van de ontginning van deze natuurlijke grondstoffen niet onderschat kan worden. Dit reflecteert zich ook in de machtspolitiek.

 

De meeste mineralen worden ontgonnen in het zuiden waar een interessant financieel klimaat heerst en de overheidsregulatie niet zo streng is. Op sneltempo worden er bi- en multilaterale akkoorden afgesloten. Voor de bedrijven ligt hun motivatie in winstmaximalisatie, de politieke krachten wensen hun niveau van welvaart te verhogen. De geopolitieke krachtmeting zoals we het kennen bij olie, vind dus ook plaats op het vlak van mineralen en metalen. Voorbeelden zijn vooral te vinden in Afrika en Zuid-Amerika. Hier zullen we twee specifieke gevallen bespreken, met name de Democratische republiek van de Congo en Peru.

 

Peru

Peru is een ertsrijk land, 20% van hun grondgebied gaat naar deze buitenlandse investeringen en elk jaar nemen de concessies toe met 9,6%. Dit is echter niet zonder problemen.

De meeste van de lokale gemeenschappen in Peru leven op basis van landbouw. Landbouwgrond en water zijn dan ook de belangrijkste voorwaarden voor hen. Water en land zijn eveneens de twee voorwaarden die de mijnindustrie nodig heeft voor zijn activiteiten. Voor één ton erts is er meer dan 1000 liter water nodig. Het dient dan ook niet gezegd te worden dat landbouw en mijnbouw natuurlijke tegenspelers zijn. Te meer daar mijnbouw een werkarme industrie is. Wereldwijd geeft de mijnbouwindustrie slechts werk aan 0,5% van de actieve bevolking hoewel het toch een grote stukken land en water in beslag neemt. In het geval van Peru bijvoorbeeld wordt slechts 2,6% van de lokale bevolking tewerkgesteld. De mijnbouw is dan ook een belangrijke factor in de emigratie van platteland naar stad, veroorzaakt grote spanningen tot zelfs afrekeningen, versplintert gemeenschappen gepaard gaande met verlies van cultureel erfgoed en vergroot de kloof tussen rijk en arm.

Daarnaast is ook de ecologische impact van mijnbouw groot. Volgens het Worldwatch Institute is de mijnbouwindustrie verantwoordelijk voor 7 tot 10% van de wereldenergieconsumptie in 2007. Het World Resource institute rapporteerde dat niet minder dan 40% van de onbeschermde bossen in de wereld is bedreigd door mijbouwactiviteiten. Daarnaast veroorzaakt het ook schade in andere domeinen zoals: verzouting, verdroging, watertekort, vrijlating van zware metalen in het ecosysteem, ecologische passiva die achtergelaten worden enzovoort.

 

Het moge duidelijk zijn dat in Peru mijnbouwinvesteringen niet enkel een positieve economische kant hebben. De andere menselijke en ecologische kant van de medaille wordt maar al te vaak vergeten. Organisaties zoals CATAPA pogen dan ook de mijnbouwindustrie te overtuigen op meer een sociaal verantwoorde manier te investeren in bijvoorbeeld Peru.

 

Congo: wapens, geld en GSM’s

10000 dollar voor één kilogram.
Neen, het gaat hier niet om cocaïne of zuivere opium. Het gaat hier over tantalium, de nieuwe economische drug. Verfijn coltan en je krijgt een hoogst resistant metaalpoeder die tantalium wordt genoemd. Voor de high-tech industrie, tantalium is een magisch poeder, de sleutelcomponent voor bijna alle van GSM’s, computer chips tot stereo’s en Dvd-spelers.

 

De grootste bronnen voor coltanontginning vindt men in Australië, Canada en Brazilië maar door de boomende high-tech industrie was er een nieuwe, meer sinistere markt opgebloeid tijdens de Afrikaanse wereldoorlog in de Democratische republiek van Congo. Rivaliserende rebellengroepen vanuit vooral Rwanda en Uganda exploiteerden Coltan om een bloedige oorlog mee te financieren. Deze tweede Congolese oorlog, ook wel Afrika’s wereldoorlog genoemd duurde van 1998 tot 2003 en koste 3,8 miljoen mensen het leven, een zelfde aantal zijn gevlucht. Volgens Human rights watch is er een directe link tussen de exploitatie van grondstoffen in de DRC en deze oorlog.

 

De link tussen coltan en bloedvergieten is oorzaak van verhoogd alarm bij high-tech producenten. Langzaam begint het door te dringen dat de mogelijkheid er is dat hun producten bedorven vruchten bevatten van een burgeroorlog. Er was een gelijkaardige controverse in 1990 rond diamanthandel die mee de burgeroorlogen in Angola, Liberia en Sierra Leone financierde Deze veroorzaakte strengere regulatie op de diamanthandel, strengere import- en exportvoorwaarden waren het gevolg. Bij tantalium ligt dit echter heel wat moeilijker. De markt voor metaal is gebaseerd op geheime handelsrelaties zonder al te veel internationale regulaties. De VN riep echter toch op tot een handelsembargo voor de import en export van coltan en andere mineralen van en naar Burundi, Rwanda en Uganda.

 

Het eerste en vooralsnog belangrijkste signaal kwam in april 2001 van de VN met het vernietigende rapport over de “illegal exploitation of natural resources and other forms of wealth of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.” Na zes maanden onderzoek had een panel van experten hun rapport voorgelegd aan de veiligheidsraad van de VN. Deze bevestigde duidelijk de link tussen de mijnbouwontginning en de staat van oorlog. De rebellengroepen financierden er niet alleen de oorlog mee maar hadden op die manier ook een direct belang bij het niet-beeïndigen van de oorlog, integendeel. Tot op de dag van vandaag, vijf jaar na de burgeroorlog, vind men nog steeds grote groepen buitenlandse rebellen in Congo die de economische belangen aldaar verdedigen. Daarnaast wees dit rapport ook met een beschuldigende vinger naar enkele mijnbouwbedrijven als medeschuldigen aan de oorlog. Onder andere vier Belgische bedrijven (Forrest-groep, ASA DIAM, e.a.) werden in dit rapport vernoemd als directe schuldigen. Maar ook grote internationale bedrijven zoals Fortis, Umicore, B.B.L. of Bayer werden genoemd als indirect bij betrokken. Hierna is er ook in België de senaatscommissie van de grote meren opgericht die als doel had deze zaak verder te onderzoeken. Deze commissie van de grote meren kwam tot enkele interessante conclusies die het rapport zeker het lezen waard maken.

Een medaille heeft twee kanten

De economie boomt, nog nooit zoveel is er zo’n ongekende welvaart in de wereld en steeds minder mensen leven in armoede. Het zijn zaken waar we terecht trots op mogen zijn en die moeten worden gestimuleerd. We mogen echter niet blind zijn voor de andere kant van de medaille. Deze economische groei heeft ook negatieve externaliteiten die men niet mag vergeten of verwaarlozen. Het situatie van mijnbouw in Peru vraagt om ecologischere en humanere investeringen in natuurlijke ertsen. De exploitatie van natuurlijke rijkdommen in de Democratische Republiek van Congo bewijst dat men met zorg moet omgaan waar grondstoffen vandaan komen. Zowel het geval van Peru als van Congo tonen aan dat acties moeten worden ondernomen om moreel onwenselijke situaties te vermijden.

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